Halagadora mención en el WSJ
Varios buenos amigos me pusieron sobre aviso acerca de la amable mención que hizo Mary Anastasia O'Grady en su habitual artículo de los viernes en The Wall Street Journal de un reciente artículo mío publicado en estas Ideas al vuelo.
Muchas gracias a Mary por la cita. Dado que acceder a los artículo del WSJ en la red requiere de suscripción, me atrevo a reproducir aquí la parte final del mismo:
Mexico's Political Jitters
By Mary Anastasia O'Grady
Last month, Mexican journalist Jorge Fernandez penned a column titled "Why Do They Fear Lopez Obrador?" The answer, according to Mr. Fernandez, is found in the candidate's open hostility toward Mexican business groups, who he accuses of being "wrapped in the PAN" and trying to "entrap" him. When he follows these charges -- as he did recently at a rally where passionate supporters had been bused in -- with the insistence that he has nothing against "honest entrepreneurs," but only against "influence traffickers, thieves and the corrupt," it is difficult to ignore the inference.
"Well then," writes Mr. Fernandez, "according to the logic of Lopez Obrador, all businessmen in the Mexican chamber of industry (the majority in the country), financiers, businesses that are part of the Mexican stock market, the executives of Bancomer and Banamex" and others that Lopez Obrador eschews "are `PANistas, looking to entrap him' or are `influence traffickers, thieves and the corrupt.' But don't worry, he is not against business."
If AMLO gets his enemies -- PANistas in business -- in his crosshairs, investors will have to scramble for cover.
Consider the exchange between banking mogul Roberto Hernandez and AMLO at a Televisa shareholder meeting, as reported by columnist Ricardo Medina Macias in El Economista a few days ago. Mr. Hernandez offered that in acquiring his fortune, he had complied with the law. "I don't know if it was legal or not," AMLO said, "but what you did, to obtain profits of that size and to not pay taxes is immoral and offends the people." The candidate reportedly went on to promise Mr. Hernandez that he "is going to have to pay in 2007." As Mr. Medina noted, AMLO's makes his case on "extra-legal terrain," assuming his own "moral superiority."
AMLO's appeal is easy to understand. His personal reputation as a Spartan and his strongman moralizing against wealth accumulation goes right to the heart of underclass resentment. It's not very original though. Latin caudillos have triumphed for generations by promising to wage class war and equalize wealth.
Moreover, there are real reasons to question whether AMLO plans to challenge privilege or simply target his enemies as he consolidates power, a la the legendary PRI corporatism, most famously practiced in his beloved home state of Tabasco. This has become all the more relevant since the candidate announced earlier this week that he had recently met with Mexico's most coddled oligarch, monopoly telecom giant Carlos Slim, to discuss public-private partnerships in economic development. For the record, Mr. Slim told Mexico's Reforma that he knew nothing about that meeting.
Someone is not telling the truth. Too bad Mexicans aren't likely to know who until after the election, if then.
(WSJ, 17 de marzo de 2006)
Muchas gracias a Mary por la cita. Dado que acceder a los artículo del WSJ en la red requiere de suscripción, me atrevo a reproducir aquí la parte final del mismo:
Mexico's Political Jitters
By Mary Anastasia O'Grady
Last month, Mexican journalist Jorge Fernandez penned a column titled "Why Do They Fear Lopez Obrador?" The answer, according to Mr. Fernandez, is found in the candidate's open hostility toward Mexican business groups, who he accuses of being "wrapped in the PAN" and trying to "entrap" him. When he follows these charges -- as he did recently at a rally where passionate supporters had been bused in -- with the insistence that he has nothing against "honest entrepreneurs," but only against "influence traffickers, thieves and the corrupt," it is difficult to ignore the inference.
"Well then," writes Mr. Fernandez, "according to the logic of Lopez Obrador, all businessmen in the Mexican chamber of industry (the majority in the country), financiers, businesses that are part of the Mexican stock market, the executives of Bancomer and Banamex" and others that Lopez Obrador eschews "are `PANistas, looking to entrap him' or are `influence traffickers, thieves and the corrupt.' But don't worry, he is not against business."
If AMLO gets his enemies -- PANistas in business -- in his crosshairs, investors will have to scramble for cover.
Consider the exchange between banking mogul Roberto Hernandez and AMLO at a Televisa shareholder meeting, as reported by columnist Ricardo Medina Macias in El Economista a few days ago. Mr. Hernandez offered that in acquiring his fortune, he had complied with the law. "I don't know if it was legal or not," AMLO said, "but what you did, to obtain profits of that size and to not pay taxes is immoral and offends the people." The candidate reportedly went on to promise Mr. Hernandez that he "is going to have to pay in 2007." As Mr. Medina noted, AMLO's makes his case on "extra-legal terrain," assuming his own "moral superiority."
AMLO's appeal is easy to understand. His personal reputation as a Spartan and his strongman moralizing against wealth accumulation goes right to the heart of underclass resentment. It's not very original though. Latin caudillos have triumphed for generations by promising to wage class war and equalize wealth.
Moreover, there are real reasons to question whether AMLO plans to challenge privilege or simply target his enemies as he consolidates power, a la the legendary PRI corporatism, most famously practiced in his beloved home state of Tabasco. This has become all the more relevant since the candidate announced earlier this week that he had recently met with Mexico's most coddled oligarch, monopoly telecom giant Carlos Slim, to discuss public-private partnerships in economic development. For the record, Mr. Slim told Mexico's Reforma that he knew nothing about that meeting.
Someone is not telling the truth. Too bad Mexicans aren't likely to know who until after the election, if then.
(WSJ, 17 de marzo de 2006)
publicadas por Ricardo Medina Macías a la/s
lunes, marzo 20, 2006
2 Comentarios:
Me parece normal que un editorialista serio cite a otro, como tu mismo has hecho muchas veces. Felicidades!
La pregunta sigue en el aire: cómo lograr que 100 millones de mexicanos entiendan el trasfondo de las propuestas del señor López para decidir por quién van a votar con información suficiente?
El ámbito de influencia personal de cada uno es limitado y, aunque estoy seguro de que muchos de los que te leemos tratamos de que los que están alrededor entiendan la foto completa, quedan muchos más a los que no llegamos. Ni por internet, ni con El Economista, ni a través del WSJ, ni por la TV. Los mensajes de los candidatos carecen de efectividad para pintar la realidad de lo posible ante un pueblo que, en general, se deja llevar como siempre por lo que suena bonito. Es duro darse cuenta de que la batalla se está dando en un mar de desinformación...
Mario Teuffer (3/25)
Me parece normal que un editorialista serio cite a otro, como tu mismo has hecho muchas veces. Felicidades!
La pregunta sigue en el aire: cómo lograr que 100 millones de mexicanos entiendan el trasfondo de las propuestas del señor López para decidir por quién van a votar con información suficiente?
El ámbito de influencia personal de cada uno es limitado y, aunque estoy seguro de que muchos de los que te leemos tratamos de que los que están alrededor entiendan la foto completa, quedan muchos más a los que no llegamos. Ni por internet, ni con El Economista, ni a través del WSJ, ni por la TV. Los mensajes de los candidatos carecen de efectividad para pintar la realidad de lo posible ante un pueblo que, en general, se deja llevar como siempre por lo que suena bonito. Es duro darse cuenta de que la batalla se está dando en un mar de desinformación...
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